From the start, President Obama’s Syria policy has foundered because of a gap between words and deeds. And he’s done it again.

Having declared that the aim of American policy is to “degrade and ultimately destroy” ISIS, Obama now finds himself pressured to escalate military action in Syria. This is a path destined for failure. In fact, the administration should abandon its lofty rhetoric and make clear that it is focused on a strategy against ISIS that is actually achievable – containment.

Escalation in Syria cannot meet American objectives and is almost certain to produce chaos and unintended consequences. The central reality is that Washington has no serious local partners on the ground. It is important to understand that the Free Syrian Army doesn’t actually exist. A Congressional Research Service report points out that the name does not refer to any “organized command and control structure with national reach.” The director of national intelligence has testified that the opposition to the Bashar Assad regime is comprised of 1,500 separate militias. We call a bunch of these militias – that are anti-Assad and also anti-Islamist (we hope) – the Free Syrian Army.

The scholar Joshua Landis – whose blog “Syria Comment” is an essential source – estimates that the Assad regime controls about half of Syrian territory, though much more of the population. ISIS controls about one-third of the country, and the other militias control a little less than 20 percent. But the largest and most effective of these non-ISIS groups are Al-Qaeda-affiliated and also deadly enemies of the United States. The non-jihadist groups collectively control less than 5 percent of Syria. Landis writes that, according to opposition leaders, Washington is supporting about 75 of these groups.

An American strategy of escalating airstrikes in Syria – even if coupled with ground forces – would wish that the weakest and most disorganized forces in the country somehow become the strongest, first defeating ISIS, then the Assad regime, all the while fighting off the Nusra Front and Khorasan. The chance that all this will happen is remote. Far more likely, bombings in Syria will produce chaos and instability on the ground, further destroying Syria and promoting the free-for-all in which jihadist groups thrive.

The critics are sure this policy would have been easy three years ago when the opposition to Assad was more secular and democratic. This is a fantasy. It’s true that the demonstrations against the Assad regime in the initial months seemed to be carried out by more secular and liberal people. This was also true in Libya and Egypt. But over time, more organized, passionate and religious forces triumphed. This is a familiar pattern in revolutions – from the French to the Russian to the Iranian ones. They are begun by liberals and taken over by radicals.

For any strategy to work in Syria, it needs a military component and a political one. The military element is weak. The political one is nonexistent.

The crucial underlying reason for the violence in Iraq and Syria is a Sunni revolt against governments in Baghdad and Damascus that they view as hostile, apostate regimes. That revolt in turn has been fueled by Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar, each supporting its own favorite Sunni groups, which has only added to the complexity. On the other side, Iran has supported the Shiite and Alawite regimes, thus ensuring that this sectarian struggle is also regional.

The political solution, presumably, is some kind of power-sharing arrangement in those two capitals. But this is not something that the United States can engineer in Syria. It tried it in Iraq and, despite 170,000 troops, tens of billions of dollars, and David Petraeus’ skillful leadership, the deals Petraeus brokered started unraveling within months of his departure, well before American troops had left. This is not a part of the world where power-sharing and pluralism have worked – with the exception of Lebanon, and that one happened after a 15-year bloody civil war in which one out of every 20 people in the country was slaughtered.

The only strategy against ISIS that has any chance of working is containment – bolstering the neighbors (who are threatened far more than America) that are willing to fight militarily and politically. They include, most importantly, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey and the Gulf states. The greatest challenge is to get the Iraqi government to make serious concessions to Sunnis so that they are recruited into the fight, something that has not happened so far. All this should be coupled with counterterrorism, which means strikes at key ISIS targets, as well as measures to track foreign fighters, stop their movements, intercept their funds and protect the neighbors and the West from a jihadist infiltration spilling over.

The Obama administration is pursuing many elements of this strategy. It should be forthright about its objectives and abandon its grander rhetoric, which is setting itself up for escalation and failure.